A friend has sent me a free download of his book titled “The Last Days of Israel.” I am posting part of it here for readers, just to show them how corrupt the “Political World” of Israel really is and how ALL the political parties and nearly ALL the politicians are betraying the Israeli people.
This portion largely majors on Simon Peres who is a total crook and reprobate. He has also been a Vatican agent in Israel for most of his adult life. Simon Peres was educated by the Jesuits in Poland.
It is about rigging “Democratic” elections and how the expert at rigging elections finally got rigged himself!
You may find yourself wondering why the Israeli public cannot see through all this?
Well, they would be wondering the same about the Unionist community in N.Ireland, how can Unionists not see their ALL leaders are betraying them and selling them out!
The Rigger Gets Rigged
In the March 14, 1994 edition of The National Review is a three-page article by Joel Bainerman and me called “The Peres Gambit”. In it, we prove that Peres rigged the 1992 elections and here’s how we found out.
A number of months earlier, Yehoshua Meiri, a journalist for the left wing newspaper Chadashot, had an article printed within called “Beilin’s Secret Journeys”. Meiri claimed that in June 1990, Yossi Beilin, then Shimon Peres’ deputy, flew to Cairo to deliver a letter from Peres to Arafat. Peres offered the PLO a state if it would use its influence to shift Israeli Arab votes to the Labor Party or its allies in the next national elections. After three more Beilin trips to Cairo and the personal intervention of Secretary of State James Baker, Arafat agreed. The Arab parties won only four seats, compared to ten today, the rest of the Arab vote went to Labor and the Zionist far left. The PLO provided the difference in the vote which put Labor in power and the Oslo process was put in motion.
Joel and I met Meiri several times and he provided solid documentation, including powerful tapes he secretly recorded. The National Review checked our sources and we passed their scrutiny. Several months later, reporter Steve Rodan followed our lead and interviewed Meiri at length. Like us, he found Meiri entirely credible and his evidence airtight. The result was a series of scoops in The Jerusalem Post that verified Joel’s and my findings. Peres had indeed rigged the 1992 elections and the PLO was allowed to determine the future of the Jewish State.
But in 1996, the tables were turned on Peres. Natan Gefen in his book Fatal Sting recounts how he took the smoking gun Rabin murder document, the surgeon’s report proving Rabin was not shot twice in the back as our government insisted, but three times and once frontally, to Likud MKs Ehud Olmert and Dov Shilansky. Neither was interested and Shilansky told him, “We don’t need the report, we’ve already fixed things up.” Gefen concluded that the Likud had the proof and had already blackmailed Peres into throwing the upcoming elections.
Independently, I received confirmation of this seemingly fantastic claim. In April 1997, our internal security force, the Shabak organized a violent protest outside a speech I was to give about the Rabin murder at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. A few days later, I received a call from Ya’acov Mor, a self-admitted Shabak graduate who told me, “If the guys were willing to do that to you, you must be on to something serious. I’d like to see what you’ve got.”
Mor was the financial advisor for the Minister of Social Affairs, Eli Suissa. He came to my home and I gave him a stack of documents to peruse. After a half hour, he put his index finger on his mouth and with his other hand directed me outside. When we left my property he said, “I’m not talking in your house. Do you know your documents are authentic?”
I replied that I did.
“And do you know how high up this must go?”
I answered that I had an idea.
“Why don’t you have a job in Nepal or Uganda? That’s what they usually do to troublemakers? I’ll report my findings to my minister and we’ll see what he decides.”
A few days later, Suissa’s secretary called. She invited me to the minister’s office and asked that I bring my documents for them to photocopy. In return, I would receive the most sensitive information of the whole Rabin affair.
How could I refuse? I was driven to Suissa’s bureau, handed over my documents and was seated in his chief aide’s office. I heard an energetic discussion in the corridor and then the young aide, Yitzhak Sudri, today the Shas Party spokesman, entered with Mor. He said:
“The minister cannot attend this meeting but he has authorized me to inform you that the following information is accurate.”
This was Sudri’s exposition. In February 1996, four months before the elections, disgruntled Shabak officers passed the documents I had acquired plus many more to the “top” of the Likud leadership, which must have included Netanyahu and Sharon. They organized a meeting with the “tzameret” or top of Labor’s leadership, which must have included Peres and his campaign managers Ehud Barak and Haim Ramon. After presenting the proofs, the Likud proceeded to blackmail Labor over Peres’ role in the Rabin assassination.
If the name Rabin was used in Labor’s campaign, the Likud chiefs would release certain damning documents to the public. If Peres defeated Netanyahu in their television debate, other documents would be released. And if Peres won the elections, everything would be released.
Labor did not bring Rabin’s memory into the contest, Peres gave a miserable performance in the television debate and Netanyahu won the elections though he really didn’t.
Recall the election night. The declared winner, Peres, did not show up at the Tel Aviv Cinemateque to thank his supporters. However, the declared loser Netanyahu, all smiles, addressed his followers with the prophetic words “Don’t worry. There’s plenty of time until the morning when the government will change.”
And he was right. That day someone leaked the results of one polling station to Meretz MK Ran Cohen. He discovered 1500 spoiled Labor votes and many forged Likud votes. Based on this one station, he estimated that at least 120,000 were stolen from Labor. He submitted a petition to the Supreme Court to recount the votes but his own party ordered him to withdraw it. Even Peres prevented a recount though he publicly was dismayed that “Labor supervisors weren’t properly represented in the polling stations.”
Sudri gave me the name and phone number of a graduate student at Tel Aviv University’s Faculty of Law, who was writing his thesis on this scam based, in part, on the Likud’s own reports of their blackmail of Peres. We met in a deserted cafe and he informed me:
“I was warned yesterday not to supply you with any documentation. The best I can do for now is confirm that the elections were tainted. Peres actually won by 2%, just like the polls predicted.”
2 Thess 2:11